Türkçede Ne-Adası Kısıtlaması

The paper proposes that wh-island constraint does not hold in Turkish, at least for the constructions that contain more than one wh-phrase. The grammatically problematic constructions that have been uttered as wh-island violations in previous studies have been claimed to be weak Complex DP Island violations. The DP that c-commands the lower CP constitutes a weak DP island for the upper movement of the elements. Data obtained by Çakır (2016a) support this assertion since the findings of that study show that interpretation of wh-adjuncts within lower CPs are problematic even when there are not any intervening island structures. Another novel assertion proposed in the study is on the scope problem of the wh-constructions that contain multiple wh-adjuncts in their lower CPs. When there is more than one wh-adjunct within the embedded CP, either of them cannot take wide scope individually. The reason for this situation has been explained to be the absorption process. Once the operators of the wh-adjuncts are absorbed in lower spec CP position, they are forced to act together in the rest of the derivation. This process fits to the minimalist understanding of economy: if one operator can do the job, using two operators becomes costly.